Shortly before lunch on a Monday morning in February, I received the news from a member of Upper Sixth that the Pope, Benedict XVI, had resigned. Whilst it had been obvious for some time that the 86-year old pontiff appeared increasingly frail, like many people, my initial reaction was one of disbelief: after all, this was the first pope for 600 years to resign, and the first to do so voluntarily since 1294.
This is how a cartoonist viewed Benedict’s resignation
though it has since come to light that his decision was based upon a ‘mystical experience’, the result of many weeks of prayer. Benedict’s final days as Pope culminated in his departure by helicopter from the Vatican to the Pope’s summer residence at Castel Gandolfo outside Rome, where at 8pm the Papacy was declared sede vacente prior to the gathering of the Conclave to elect his successor. The heavily charged symbolism of the day was evident in the tolling of the bells of St. Peter’s, the withdrawal of the Swiss Guards from the Papal residence and the destruction of Benedict’s papal seal and ring. The Pope emeritus, as it was announced he would be called, returned to the Vatican three months later to live, as he said, ‘invisible to the world’, in a life of prayer, surrounded by his books and kept company, one assumes, by Contessina, his cat. This rather medieval situation of two popes in the Vatican has, by all accounts, been trouble free, since Benedict enjoys warm relations with his successor, who regards him as ‘a wise grandfather living at home’ rather than an anti-pope.
Why have I chosen Benedict as my theme today? As it happens, I am not Roman Catholic, though the strand of Anglicanism to which I adhere prays for the Pope each Sunday. And it’s not because Benedict is from Bavaria, which I seem to have visited more than any other part of the world other than Russia over the last twenty years.
It’s primarily for two reasons. Firstly, a desire properly to understand a figure whom I think at best was respected rather than popular, even amongst his co-religionists. Secondly, because his writings and sermons are not only highly intelligent, but also possess an unexpectedly lyrical quality. I should add that whilst I regret never meeting Benedict, there are three volumes of conversations between him and a German journalist called Peter Seewald, which give an unprecedented insight into the character of a pope. So, in a curious way, I do feel that I know him as far as I can.
Benedict’s life is best explained by one image, and three traumas.
This – the black Madonna of Altötting –
lies at the heart of the most significant Roman Catholic shrine in Germany. Benedict – or, I should say, Joseph Ratzinger, was born ten miles away, and regularly visited it as a child. He closely identifies with the shrine, and this, I think, explains two key aspects of Benedict’s personality: firstly, that although formidably intelligent himself – more so any other twentieth-century pope – he strongly empathises with the simple faith of ordinary believers, and believes that theologians such as himself have a duty to protect rather than undermine that faith. Ratzinger thus did not hesitate to discipline errant theologians during his time as Prefect of the Congregation of the Faith prior to his election to the papacy.
Secondly, in the silver casing around the statue itself is depicted the Tree of Jesse, a representation of Christ’s descent from the Old Testament. Benedict undoubtedly did more than any other Pope to emphasise the Jewish ancestry of Christianity, and clearly feels a great affinity towards the Jewish people. This is significant, since certainly until the Second World War, it was commonplace in some quarters of the Church to blame Jews for the murder of Christ, the world-famous Passion Play in Oberammergau in Bavaria explicitly so until international pressure forced its text to be altered in 1950s.
What of the three traumas?
The first was that Benedict’s childhood coincided with the Nazi period. Benedict grew up in a beautiful part of Germany along the Austrian border which he later called ‘the dreamland of my childhood’. By a coincidence he was born ten miles not only from Altötting, but also from Branau-an-Inn, where Hitler had been born 38 years earlier. That strange breed who like pointing out coincidences in history have noted that his predecessor, John Paul II, was also born between the greatest Polish shrine to Mary at Kalwaria and the extermination camp at Auschwitz: but what this really typifies is the dichotomy of good and evil which characterised the twentieth century. Benedict was conscripted into the Hitler Youth, then the anti-aircraft defences of Munich in 1943, and deserted before the end of the war, narrowly escaping being shot by the SS on two occasions.
Reading Benedict’s account of these years, one is left with two impressions: firstly, his acceptance that there will always be evil in the world, and his conviction that Christ alone can redeem and save it. Secondly, a fear of what he sees as man-made ideologies such as Nazism, which draw upon selective elements of science, morality and convenience to construct an alternative to authentic religion. Only the Christian Faith, he believes, can truly contend this attack. This was a consistent standpoint for Ratzinger, conspicuous in his writings on ‘the dictatorship of relativism’ in the 1990s, wherein he argued that the values of modern secular society were increasingly and aggressively relegating religion from the public sphere and thereby denying society of the one true source of morality. Unlike the Swiss government, for example, he accepted the case for minarets in Switzerland.
Benedict’s unequivocal attitude towards ‘truth’ thus also shaped his attitude towards ecumenical relations with other churches & religions: he seems to believe that the basis for true ecumenism is facing up to one’s differences rather than playing them down. This caused the greatest storm of his pontificate on 13 September 2006 when his address at Regensburg University quoted a medieval Byzantine Emperor to the effect that whilst Christianity is fundamentally based upon reason, the prophet Mohammed’s endorsement of conversion by the sword suggested a fundamental divergence. Barely a paragraph in a long address, this was avidly seized upon by the media. It also won Benedict some unlikely allies, including our then Head of English, who believed passionately in freedom of speech. In any case, two months later, Benedict visited the Blue Mosque in Istanbul and said, “May all believers identify themselves with the one God and bear witness to true brotherhood.” Whilst he might not have anticipated the furore his words created, I am convinced that that he knew exactly what he was doing all along.
Much of Ratzinger’s middle age was spent teaching theology at various German universities. He enjoyed debate amongst his students and valued the idea of a university as a community of scholars – it’s no coincidence, then, that he greatly admires John Henry Newman, author of The Idea of a University, whom he beatified during his visit to the UK in 2010. However, the second – and related - trauma for Ratzinger was the Marxist-inspired ferment of 1968 and its aftermath, which he felt undermined the essence of theology itself and put him on the intellectual defensive – indeed, he acquired the nickname ‘God’s rottweiler’ as a result. To appreciate Benedict’s position, I recall the answer when I asked a senior member of Cambridge University in 1989 why they had so little personal intercourse with undergraduates. ‘We used to’, he replied, ‘but the protests destroyed the trust between senior and junior members of the university’. Ratzinger took no comfort from the collapse of Communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Rather, his writings make a vigorous case that Christianity – properly understood – represents a compelling fusion of faith and reason, and that man-made utopias are – well, precisely that. He is innately suspicious of unrealistic expectations of human progress since, as he has written, ‘Mankind begins anew in every individual’.
I am not entirely convinced by all of Benedict’s reasoning: faith, it seems to me, is fundamentally an act of unreason, however reasonable the case for God may be. Moreover, unlike Benedict, I see the eighteenth-century Enlightenment as anticlerical rather than Christian; it was Romanticism which represented a religious revival of sorts. It’s revealing, I think, that Benedict loves Mozart rather than Wagner. In any case, whilst we are accustomed to see the 1960s as liberating, as ‘a good thing’, for Ratzinger they were the opposite. Although he had attended and welcomed the Second Vatican Council at the beginning of the decade, he was appalled by how its carefully worded statements were increasingly bypassed by a very different agenda based upon the so-called ‘spirit of the Council’. Again, Ratzinger fought back vigorously, and the extraordinary election of a highly conservative (and charismatic) Polish pope from behind the Iron Curtain in 1979 must have given him great solace.
The final trauma was his election as Pope in 2005. His brother writes movingly of the moment of horror for Ratzinger as it became evident that the voting in the Conclave was turning towards his election. Ratzinger had clearly hoped for a quiet retirement devoted to study and writing. Instead, his papacy was marred by the unfolding clerical abuse scandal in Europe and the United States, which he likened in a conversation with Peter Seewald to the antichrist entering the Church; and, towards its end, by the so-called Vatileaks affair. In his last general audience as Pope, Benedict poignantly said: ‘He who assumes the Petrine ministry belongs always and completely to everyone, to the whole Church. His life is, so to speak, totally deprived of the private sphere’. There were moments of his pontificate, he added, when ‘The Lord seemed to be sleeping’. Indeed, when Benedict returned to Germany in 2006, and prayed at his parents’ graves & saw the font in which he was baptised eighty years earlier, he must have known that he would probably not return – as these photographs seem to suggests
.
How, then, to assess Benedict’s papacy? I think the fair-minded historian would draw out:
- His affinity towards the Jewish people
- The determination of his intellectual position
- His writings and his pastoral commitment
I would also want to stress that Benedict could surprise:
- He developed an authentically personal style as Pope - one of humility and warmth. When I saw him in London in 2010 I was unexpectedly moved by these qualities.
- His strong sense of aesthetics – the media was always interested in fashion sense (revival of certain items of papal clothing). Shoes [not Prada]; camauro [winter]; capello romano [summer].
- He introduced a papal tweet.
- And, of course, most unexpected of all: his resignation – which may decisively shape the future of the institution.
Benedict’s pontificate will, I suspect, be seen as the end of an era, as pivotal in a longer-term shift in Catholicism from Europe to South America and Africa. But its key unresolved issue – as he himself would surely acknowledge - is the relationship of the Church with the modern world, particularly on moral and ethical issues. In Benedict’s later writings and statements, he seemed to espouse the idea of a radically slimmed-down Church – akin to the first three centuries of Christian history - which remains true to its intrinstic faith. In this sense, Pope Francis represents his true heir: Francis may reform the Vatican administration, but I don’t expect that he will change the essence of Roman Catholic teaching in any significant way.
On the other hand, Francis’s presentation of the Faith does seem more nuanced and therefore more acceptable to the twenty-first century, particularly since it is coupled with an intensely simple personal style. Benedict, for example, whilst explicit in his rejection of homophobia and adamant that every human being possesses a God-given dignity, would never have said, as Francis did in an extemporised press-conference on a plane in July, ‘If someone is gay and he searches for the Lord and has good will, who am I to judge’. Francis’s commitment to social justice is also more vigorously expressed verbally, however equally Benedict has promoted it in writing. On the other hand, Francis’s teaching remains that of the Catechism which Benedict compiled, and his first encyclical was largely written by Benedict (though one can detect where the intellectual tone has been slightly softened).
I don’t predict that there will be a call in the future for Benedict to be canonised, though this is perhaps unjust. I would like to highlight a final aspect of his pontificate: courage. By this I don’t mean that when asked by Peter Seewald whether he feared assassination Benedict responded with a razor sharp, ‘absolutely not’. Rather, I’d like to mention his decision to have private meetings with the victims of clerical abuse. He did this in London, for example, and it’s telling that those meetings overran considerably. It’s easy to deride this as a gesture which can never atone for what happened (nor, of course, can it prevent it happening again without the child safeguarding measures which Benedict insisted that his bishops institute.
Whilst Benedict himself was painfully aware of the inadequacy of this personal gesture on his part, it was clearly something that he felt very strongly about and felt compelled to do. Perhaps the key imponderable I leave you with – given everything I’ve said about him - is to consider what he would have felt, and said, during those meetings.
9th September 2013